Call to Action: Dane County Budget
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Submitted by Katie Mulligan
Youth arrests and incarceration increased in the closing decades of the 20th century but have fallen sharply since. Public opinion often lags behind these realities, wrongly assuming both that crime is perpetually increasing and that youth offending is routinely violent. In fact, youth offending is predominantly nonviolent, and the 21st century has seen significant declines in youth arrests and incarceration.
Between 2000 and 2022, the number of youth held in juvenile justice facilities fell from 108,000 to 27,600: a 75% decline. But despite positive movement on important indicators, far too many youth – disproportionately youth of color – are still incarcerated.
A JustConversation on Discretion, Charging Disparities, and Racial Dynamics in Criminal Justice
By Pamela Gates, with thanks to Vicki Warren
On Jan. 17, 2025, JustDane and the Madison Justice Team hosted a panel that explored justice in Madison, Dane County, Wisconsin, and the nation under the particular topics of discretion, disparities, and equity. JustDane Associate Director Shar-Ron Buie moderated the panel at the UW Partnership Space before a very interested crowd that filled the room.
There are critical issues in the criminal-legal system, Buie said; the most pressing are the disparities. How can we make changes so that charging decisions are fair and transparent? And how can these panelists collaborate to make meaningful change?
The panelists:
UW Criminal Law Professor Larry Glinberg, attorney, director of the Wisconsin Prosecution Project, former assistant DA, and member of the Federal Defenders Services Board. He also served as a staff attorney with the Wisconsin Innocence Project for 1.5 years, helping wrongly convicted people regain freedom.
Atty. Jack Idlas, a criminal-law specialist, former assistant legal counsel to Gov. Evers on issuing pardons. He is a public defender in Wisconsin and previously served in that capacity in Lake County, Illinois. He also worked in the juvenile system in Cook County, Illinois. He has written a book titled Courtroom 302.
The Honorable Judge James Peterson is chief judge for the U.S. District Court in the Western District of Wisconsin. He was appointed in 2014 by President Obama.
UW-Madison Sociology Professor Emeritus Doug Maynard described himself as a “conversation analyst.” He has written a book titled Inside Plea Bargaining. He has also researched jury deliberations and studied statistical patterns on how criminal-legal system involvement gets started.
Detective Sgt. Kenneth Mosley, a member of the Madison Police Department (MPD) since 2007, previously taught in Milwaukee public schools and worked in a small Milwaukee County mobile psychiatric unit with kids in crisis mode. He was a school resource officer (SRO) for four years at La Follette High School, practicing restorative justice daily and facilitating peer courts. He worked with the COPS program in the schools until 2018, when the program ended because crime was spiking and officers were needed elsewhere. He has been newly appointed by the MPD to receive complaints and investigate officers charged with wrongful conduct.
Panelists address discretion, disparities, and equity in their particular areas of expertise.
Det. Sgt. Mosley stressed that he could not speak to the situation in any police departments other than Madison. He said it is “important to bring people in the community to partner with us, to help us remedy the problems in Madison.” He strongly defended the MPD, describing its “Education, Accountability, Transparency” (EAT) policy and offering data from Madison’s south side: a lower rate of stops of people of color, plus a regular review of stops. He noted that MPD officers take a vow not to give preferential treatment, and they are always asking how they can do better.
The MPD requires its officers to take implicit bias training, he said, and it’s trying to diversify, in particular by adding more people of color. The department works on communication and community-based efforts like this panel discussion and participates in such community connections as Coffee with a Cop, National Night Out, Juneteenth, and the Civilian-Police Academy. Officers view themselves as educators and community partners and are very willing, for example, to call on mental-health professionals when they need to.
Prof. Maynard addressed a large U.S. study in which 95 million traffic stops were analyzed. There were definite patterns: Black drivers were stopped more, but were less likely to be stopped after dark. The bar for searching Black drivers’ vehicles was lower than that for searching white drivers’ vehicles.
In Dane County, Maynard continued, whites make up 84% of the population, 64% of arrests, and 52% of the arrests that come before the DA. Blacks make up 6% of the population, 31% of arrests, and 40% of the arrests that come before the DA. (DA referrals are made on the basis of the arrest reports.)
How can law enforcement and community agencies build trust? Maynard asked, and he answered:
Prof. Glinberg said the criminal-legal system has significant weaknesses. He particularly addressed what is called “charge-stacking”: piling up charges against an accused person. A prosecutor has vast discretion; how can that discretion be used in a fair and principled way? What is the purpose of issuing multiple charges? In the prosecutor’s office, he said, there’s a remarkable lack of data about the effectiveness of charge-stacking. Many DAs’ offices rely not on data but on instinct. For example, if the penalty on a previous conviction didn’t work (i.e., the person has reoffended), the court’s solution is to increase the severity of the penalty. In reality, that doesn’t result in a better outcome.
The way we handle low-level cases is what is feeding mass incarceration. What are we trying to achieve? Greater public safety? We need to develop data and to study the effects of our interventions. If people repeatedly offend, then our interventions aren’t working.
We need more legal limitations on prosecution. Prosecutors and the courts need to accept responsibility for both mass incarceration and the racial disparities in the system. The place to try to exert influence is the DA’s office.
What are our objectives? Are we achieving them? Are we measuring them? There’s lots of data collected on policing, but not so much on sentencing and other points in the process. Bail reform is hugely important. Cash bail is not effective; it doesn’t result in greater public safety.
How do public defenders advocate for indigent clients? Atty. Idlas started by quoting from his book, Courtroom 302: “You get used to it [disparity]. We have a largely reactive system. The Public Defender’s Office has little guidance.”
It is the duty of public defenders (PDs) to defend vigorously, he said, but implicit biases play a large role, and PDs are overwhelmed with work. It’s almost impossible for them to do justice to the number of cases they carry. So they need to triage, and sometimes clients plead guilty when they might go free if more time were spent on their case.
PDs are faced with a multitude of tasks for each case they handle: Which witnesses, if any, should be interviewed? What motions should be filed? What legal research should be done? What experts should be hired? How much time should be spent with each client?
Almost everyone in the system is incredibly well-intentioned, but also severely taxed, he said, and many clients, especially clients of color, are mistrustful of the system. Some clients treat us poorly, he added, which makes our job of defending them more difficult.
What are possible reforms? Smaller caseloads. More support staff. More collaborative teamwork. More diversity in staffing, which would increase clients’ trust and would also lead to more perspective.
If the state courts were better organized – like having a calendar that makes sense – PDs’ time could be better used, he said. PDs frequently have to go from one courtroom to another, or even from one building to another, many times a day. The Office of the Public Defender needs better internal organization, e.g. limiting the types of cases individual PDs handle, so they can develop some expertise in certain areas. And always there must be awareness of implicit bias.
“When you look at system outcomes, everyone in the system is covered by that filth,” Idlas concluded.
What role can the judiciary play in reducing disparities in sentencing? Judge Peterson’s basic answer was: more discretion. When discretion was removed by “Three Strikes” and “Truth in Sentencing” laws and replaced by mandatory guidelines and minimum sentences, the result was mass incarceration. An example is the sentencing for powder vs. crack cocaine. It used to be 1:100; now it is 1:18. Powder was known as the “white” drug and crack as the “Black” drug. Even though the disparity has been reduced significantly, it is still severely out of balance.
With regard to bail reform, Peterson declared, “Nobody in my court has ever spent a night in jail due to cash bail.” He feels this policy gives defendants a chance to show, while awaiting trial, that they can do better. “I think we [judges] do pretty well at getting around the built-in disparities when we can use our own discretion,” Peterson said. He noted that federal judges have more discretion than state judges. He also noted that most federal judges’ cases are civil, not criminal. He has fewer cases than state judges do, too, which allows him time to dig deeper into what happened.
“Mass incarceration didn’t just fall from the sky,” Buie concluded. “It was a steady process. It will take time to reverse it. We must become engaged. To dismantle mass incarceration, the answer is, “engagement, engagement, engagement!”
There was time for a little bit of audience commentary:
Kelli Thompson, former director of the state Office of the Public Defender, was in the audience. She noted that there are over 40 public defender offices in Wisconsin. She gave a passionate defense of her former clients, paraphrased here: We spend $1 billion a year to fill prison beds! We’ve done research; how do we get our research data to be used to start treating people humanely? Every person is a human being! Hang that declaration on the wall, and don’t forget it! Even one night in jail disrupts a person, disrupts their family, and disrupts their community!
The event ended with this pointed question from an audience member: When will the assumption of innocent until proven guilty be reinstated? The answer: We need to change our approach via the political process. It’s our duty as citizens.
Ongoing Initiatives:
New Initiatives:
It is essential that a series of new initiatives get going in 2025 and receive sufficient attention and priority. These include:
Justice System Reform Initiative (JSRI) Activities and Concerns
By Tom and Jan Gilbert, Mary Anglim, and Kathy Luker
Dane County has not been actively pursuing reform initiatives that are of interest to us in the past year. This is part of the ebb and flow of county government, but here are some of the reasons for the inactivity:
• County Executive Parisi’s announcement in October 2023 that he would retire had an impact on everything in county government. His retirement took effect on May 3.
Jail Consolidation Project
On January 18, the county board approved a final addition of $21.7 million to enable the jail project to go forward. Although the jail will be larger than we wanted, it is smaller than originally proposed and comes with renewed commitment to reforms that will keep more people out of jail and out of the criminal-legal system. We have consistently pushed for a smaller jail and for more reform. We are relieved that the long debate about the jail is over; we have always recognized that the current jail in the City County Building is inhumane and must be replaced.
The challenge now is to make sure that the new jail lives up to the promised improvements. To that end, we are reinvigorating our Jail Advocacy Group, thanks to interest and energy provided by Rachel Kincade, Jessica Jacobs, and Talib Akbar, who all joined this group. We want to advocate for improvements that can be made both before and after the Jail Consolidation Project is complete. We have had several meetings, and the group recently got a tour of the current jail.
The county board should closely examine the staffing of the new jail, which is smaller and designed to enable more efficient staffing. The Huber intake process of returning to the jail every evening has been eliminated, since no one reports to the jail overnight and needs to be checked in. Both the smaller size and the change in the Huber program (see below) should reduce staffing requirements. These staff are expensive. The 2024 adopted budget includes $38.5 million for staffing the jail for one year, not including $13 million for contracted staff. While the estimated construction cost for the new jail is over $200 million, we spend more than that on staffing every five and a half years, from a more limited budget. We hope that staff reductions will allow more funding for diversions.
Looking Ahead
Because of the many changes, we recently talked with Jeff Kostelic, Joe Parisi’s executive assistant. He gave us some key insights into what to expect:
• Interim County Executive Jamie Kuhn will be responsible for putting together the 2025 county budget. Her last official duty before the elected executive takes over will likely be to sign the budget.
We need to follow this very important area closely. Our Crisis Restoration/Huber Change Advocacy Group has been following the discussions about Huber, and we will continue to become more informed. We may be developing a white paper (about desired future conditions) that clearly states where we think this should go. This may be very complicated, because a change could involve many parts of the criminal-legal system, including the Sheriff’s Office, the DA’s Office, the judges, Human Services, and the Public Defender’s Office. The basic question is: What would it mean to move the Huber program from the Sheriff’s Office to Human Services? Could there be unintended consequences, such as a larger number of people sitting in jail because judges are reluctant to risk ordering them into a Human Services program? What would happen to individuals who don’t want to be in a Human Services program and would prefer to just be put on electronic monitoring and left alone?
Diversion Working Group
The Diversion Advocacy Group is continuing its positive relationship with the Deferred Prosecution Program (DPP). This is important, as DPP is one of the largest diversion programs in the county, but one which has significant issues. Rebekah Jones from the DPP made a presentation at the MOSES general meeting on June 9.
We plan to reach out to the new county supervisors. This is an opportunity to learn about them and to give them an introduction to MOSES and the issues we care about. We did this several years ago with the previous county board; our effort was well received and ultimately connected us with the Black Caucus, which was instrumental in developing the compromise that allowed the Jail Consolidation Project to move forward, while also committing to reforms that will reduce the number of people in the jail.
JSRI is looking for more folks to get involved in our important work. If you would like to learn more, get in touch with Jeanie Verschay at jeanieverschay@gmail.com or Paul Saeman at melodygab@aol.com.
Much of the Justice System Reform Initiative (JSRI) work in 2022 was focused on the jail. This year we had a long stretch where the jail was not an issue – but spoiler alert – it roared back in December. JSRI used the time with fewer jail decisions to continue our focus on diverting people experiencing mental/behavioral health crises from the criminal legal system.
At the end of the 2022 County Exec Parisi had vetoed the board of supervisors legislation to reduce the jail to 5 floors, a plan MOSES endorsed. This left the County with a plan to build a 6 story jail but without enough funding to build it. In late 2022 the Board of Supervisors voted down 3 methods for paying for the new jail.
Consequently 2023 started with the pressure to find more money for the jail, this legislative effort was blocked by a coalition of different groups on the Board. The coalition included a number of supervisors that are jail abolitionists that do not want any money spent on the jail, a group of supervisors that are primarily concerned about legal reform and the Black Caucus that is concerned about how jail spending limits other efforts for legal reform. This coalition was large enough to block spending proposals that required either ¾ or ⅔ majorities.
A breakthrough came April 19, 2023 when the Sheriff and the Black Caucus announced an agreement in which the Black Caucus voted for funds for the jail and the Sheriff agreed to a series of reforms. The most concrete reforms included:
Sheriff Barrett will support removal of federal in-transit prisoners from the current jail facility. He will work with the US Marshals to place the persons currently in the facility into other facilities in the surrounding areas by November 1, 2023. This has largely happened. On Dec 9th there were two federal prisoners in the jail.
Sheriff Barrett will support the transfer of Huber services to the Dane County Department of Human Services. This is a softer goal and there has been little or no action on this idea.
Sheriff Barrett will submit reports per Sub 1 2021 RES-320 as amended and continue current jail population reporting. This has happened indirectly. The CJC instituted an interactive dashboard that includes race, ethnicity, and sex – characteristics that were missing from other jail reports.
As mentioned, above this instituted a period of relative calm on the Jail issue. The Mead and Hunt team finished construction documents and put the project out to bid in Sept 2023.
But the bidding process concluded in Nov 2023 yielding only a single bid and that bid was $27.6 million dollars over budget.
As this article is written it seems that the County will send the exact same bid package out to bid for a second time. This is a bit of a gamble since there is no guarantee that more bids or lower bids will respond to this new bid process. We will know by midyear.
For the last decade, JSRI has been advocating for a crisis triage center as an alternative to incarceration for people experiencing a behavioral health crisis. More recently we have advocated for 911 to dispatch medical and crisis workers instead of police to appropriate behavioral health crisis calls. In Madison that program is called CARES and establishing CARES was a big success in 2022. This year’s budget expands on that success.
The CARES program receives about $900,000 a year. This support comes from both City of Madison and Dane County budgets.
JSRI recently met with Che Stedman, the Assistant Fire Chief who supervises the CARES program. He told us that one reason CARES does not operate 24 hours/day is that after a certain time of evening there is nowhere the CARES team can take a person except to an emergency room, one of the outcomes CARES is trying to avoid. The CARES program is not a treatment program, rather it is a crisis response team. They do not house people, so for many of their cases they need to have a place they can transport people to a stable environment. This would be the purpose of a Crisis Triage Center (see below).
Assistant Chief Stedman also mentioned that a substantial number of the calls to 911 for CARES ask that no one physically come to their residence. CARES staff do talk with the people calling, but the 911 center is itself stepping up to handle these calls.
Starting with a pilot last year and now expanded with this year’s budget, the 911 center will have five crisis workers on staff. This program is definitely part of an effort to divert behavioral health calls from police responses and entanglement with the legal system. It also has the benefit of serving all of Dane County on a 24/7 basis.
There is strong support, both from the JSRI, politicians, and the wider public to make the traditional CARES teams (one paramedic and one crisis worker) available throughout Dane County. This budget provided $200,000 in matching funds earmarked for cities and towns outside of Madison to work with the Madison Fire Department to expand CARES beyond Madison. This funding follows a year of study by Dane County Human Services Dept. examining how CARES can be expanded county wide. Hopefully, we will see initiatives in 2024.
The CARES unit can meet with people, but, as mentioned above, they are not a long term solution. Consequently, an important part of their service is to transport their clients to a safer location. Despite a decade of advocacy, Dane County does not have a 24/7 facility for behavioral health crises.
The way this works in other places is that there is a crisis-triage center available 24/7 that
provides a short term stay (often 23 hours) to allow someone in a behavioral health crisis to
calm down, for the helpers to discover and engage any family support, for any prescriptions to be identified, and identification of a longer term housing.
Dane County has been trying to build such a center for several years. The blockage has been that Wisconsin law does not include licensing for this type of facility, at least for involuntary stays. That means that not only is such a facility unavailable to CARES as an alternative to incarceration, it is also available neither to the police nor to the general public when they are looking for help without the threat of incarceration. The JSRI has advocated that Dane County start a crisis/triage center with voluntary admissions, as other locations facing the same problems have done.
2023 has been a good year for MOSES and the JSRI. The Dane County Budget has increased support for CARES, some, but not all, pandemic policies that decrease the jail population persist, diverting behavioral health cases from the legal system continues to be a topic of public discourse. But the wheels of justice turn slowly, and in some cases, move backwards. We hope that some of these issues will resolve in 2024 and allow us to begin advocacy for new areas of the criminal legal system.